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The Humanitarian Hangover. Displacement, Aid and Transformation in Western Tanzania

The Humanitarian Hangover. Displacement, Aid and Transformation in Western Tanzania

The anomalous spaces and practices generated by refugees and humanitarian aid, and how they transformed politics and governmental practices
Landau, Loren (ed.)
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Editor: Loren Landau
Publisher: Witwatersrand University Press
Johannesburg, 2008
ISBN: 9781868144556
Paperback, 17x24 cm, 192 pages, several maps, tables and figures


Description:

Since the mid-1990s, Western Tanzania has hosted hundreds of thousands of refugees living in massive refugee camps sustained by millions of dollars of humanitarian aid.

This title explores the anomalous spaces and practices generated by this influx of people and humanitarian aid, and shows how they have transformed the politics and governmental practices of the region. In more than fourteen months of qualitative and quantitative research, the author found that the refugee influx did not produce the deleterious economic and environmental effects often assumed.

Outside the camps, a Tanzanian population long at the margins of their own country's economics and politics became incorporated into systems of power and authority which linked them to Dar es Salaam, central Africa, Geneva, Washington, and the grain farmers of the American Midwest.

Amidst the violence and conflict surrounding the camps, they became 'Tanzanian' as never before by exalting the territory, the nation, and a political leadership that delegated responsibility for security and services to others - the United Nations, nongovernmental organisations, and the citizenry.

The result was a hybridised regime of power shaped by history, contingency, self-interest and perception: A political form that questions models of rural transformation and the functional basis of the modern nation-state. The Humanitarian Hangover is a valuable resource for scholars of displacement, political scientists and sociologists concerned with how displacement and humanitarianism can serve as primary catalysts for social, political and economic change.


About the author:

Loren B. Landau is Director of the Forced Migration Studies Programme at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. A political scientist by training, he is currently overseeing a project on migration and urban politics in Southern Africa.


Contents:

List of Maps, Tables, and Figures
Acknowledgements
Acronyms

Examining Displacement and Tanzanian Political Transformation
The Platonic State: Genesis, Departicipation, and Desiccation
The Humanitarian Influx
Challenge without Transformation: Inflation, Labour, and the Exit Option
Crisis and Disaggregation
Disengagement, Reification, and Territorialisation
Transformation and the Humanitarian Hangover
Bibliography
Index


Reviews:

Francis B. Nyamnjoh, Head of Publications, CODESRIA, Senegal:
A compellingly argued, well-documented and insightful study that probes the challenges by tens of thousands of refugees - dregs of war - to Tanzania, Africa and a world yet to find convincing ways of dealing with its humanitarian hangovers.

Richard Black, Director of the Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and
Poverty, University of Sussex, UK:

Through painstaking field research and clear theorisation, Landau demonstrates that
the impacts of refugees are complex and often far from negative for host regions. This important contribution deserves to be read by students and policy-makers alike.

Catherine Boone, Professor of Government, University of Texas at Austin, USA:
This book contains a wealth of important information and engaging reflection about what is going on in Western Tanzania.


Examining Displacement and Tanzanian Political Transformation:

In late September 2000, a month before a national general election, a bright yellow road grader pulled into Kasulu, a dusty district capital in western Tanzania.

Emblazoned with campaign posters for the country's ruling party, the Chama cha Mapinduzi (Party of the Revolution - CCM), the impressive machine was parked near the town's central market, where it served as a backdrop for self-congratulatory political speeches in which officials applauded themselves for bringing 'development' to Kasulu. A little more than a month later, the ruling party won a landslide victory in one of the poorest and most dangerous districts in the country.

The grader's presence and its symbolic manipulation represents far more than domestic political strategies and electioneering. Were it not for a set of events and processes extending into neighbouring Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), as well as Geneva, Washington, London, and Brussels, the massive machine would never have come up the barely passable road from the regional capital.

Only the influx of tens of thousands of refugees from Tanzania's neighbours and millions of dollars of aid from Europe, Japan, and North America made the ruling party's grand entrance possible. And only by examining past government initiatives - failures and successes - can we begin to understand the political transformations that have taken place along Tanzania's western frontier.

Even after the aid dollars dry up and the refugees return home, these dynamics will have changed how citizens relate to one another, the state, the territory they inhabit, and a set of processes - displacement and humanitarianism - that are an under-explored form of globalisation.

Western Tanzania's humanitarian hangover is a perplexing configuration of attitudes, institutions, and practices. In this semi-transnationalised space, aid agencies, the United Nations (UN), and refugees are exposing the functional weakness of the Tanzanian state, as it stands by, unable to address persistent poverty and increasing insecurity.

But even as peasant villagers incorporate these extra-territorial actors into their political cosmology, they are strengthening analytical and moral categories that tie them to the Tanzanian territory, population, and political institutions. This is not simply a reassertion of local values when facing the innumerable threats of globalisation, nor is it the incorporation of remote rural Tanzania into global circuits of capitalist trade (cf. Geschiere 2006; Bauman 2002; Comaroff and Comaroff 2001).

Rather, it is the product of global processes and actors engaging with local agents - public and private - and existing political configurations in ways that are generating novel relationships and political logics.

Conceptual and theoretical foundations:

This project bridges studies of displacement and humanitarianism and more enduring inquiries into the territorial, institutional, and identitive foundations of contemporary political organisations. Rather than exploring how African politics generates massive human displacement, it looks at the effects of these migrations and responses to them.

By focusing on the politics of receiving (host) communities, the study broadens our understanding of 'displacement', while treating migration and humanitarianism as points of departure for interrogating social scientific theories of the contemporary state and political transformation.

The relationships among displacement, citizenship, and state formation have preoccupied scholars from Arendt to Agamben. By furthering these inquiries, this book contributes to refugee and migration studies and, more fundamentally, to theorising the nature of the African state, political transformation, and the nature of community in an era of globalisation. In doing so, the study does not accept that refugee movements are, in Malkki's words (1995a: 496), 'an objectively self-delimiting field of study' that are without important theoretical and conceptual implications for scholars across the disciplines (cf. Hakovirta 1993: 46).

Instead, the study responds to recent work that treats refugees, migrants, and humanitarian assistance as agents effecting substantial economic and political changes in countries of origin and first asylum.1 While many point to the need for such work, few authors provide a systematic or comparative framework for evaluating such influences. That is what the present study attempts to do.

The framework used here draws on debates over the definition and delimitation of the state and its relationship to domestic and international 'society'.2 In doing so, it draws on and contributes to a series of other debates about the nature of citizenship and sovereignty in an increasingly globalised Africa. The view of the state and politics used here avoids the kind of formalistic and metonymic analyses that often populate political scientific treatments of such subjects.

The state is neither a tool of society (or parts thereof) nor is it a unitary actor that seeks absolute control over the territory it ostensibly governs (see Jessop 1990: 5; Stepan 1978). The state may mediate or exploit - rather than be merely subject to - international influences and actors (see Evans 1995; Johnson 1982; Levy 1999), but these and other engagements also constantly reshape it. Moreover, the study assumes that the state is wrought by cracks and internal conflicts, spaces that are expanding across Africa's under-resourced and weakly managed public administration (Bayart 1993; Chabal and Deloz 1999).

Acknowledging the lack of administrative integration, the study's perspective also recognises the degree to which states and political systems, even within one country, vary across time and space.3 What accounts for these variations are, as Poulantzas notes (1969; 1979), the quality of social relations and the ways they are produced and reproduced through the interaction of bureaucratic state institutions and class forces (see also Mitchell 1988).

Rather than speak of the state as a single actor, this study draws heavily on Foucault's work on governmental science and 'governmentality', where the state emerges from dispersed origins and is enfolded in an expansive and dynamic set of disciplinary techniques that bind and influence popular behaviour and elite strategies. These disciplines operate through various channels, from economic and physical coercion to subtler and more sophisticated forms of self-discipline and socialisation (Kerr 1991: 102; Dean 1996; see also Foucault 1991: 102-3).

Although the study does not use the term 'governmentality', as this refers to a particular European political configuration (Barry, Osborne, and Rose 1996), two key elements of Foucault's work inform its approach: the first is the historiographical assertion that the state 'state' (or a system of governmentality) results from a dual historical process of centralisation (where the state takes control of these mechanisms) and diffusion (where an attempt is made to spread these mechanisms universally throughout society).4

Moreover, the agglutination of these disciplines is not a consciously designed process, but one shaped by strategy, constraints, resources, and chance. Secondly, this approach does not leave governing or governance to the state. Instead, it relativises formal political structures by placing them beside churches, clinics, and criminal gangs that may be local, national, or span political boundaries.

In converting these points into a more focused target of inquiry, the study again draws from Foucault. In describing his own work, the latter writes as follows:

The target of analysis wasn't 'institutions', 'theories' or 'ideology', but practices - with the aim of grasping the conditions which make these acceptable at a given moment; the hypothesis being that these types of practice are not just governed by institutions, prescribed by ideologies, guided by pragmatic circumstances - whatever roles these elements may actually play - but possess up to a point their own specific regularities, logic, strategy, self-evidence, and 'reason'.

It is a question of analysing a 'regime of practice' - practices being understood here as places where what is said and what is done, rules imposed and reasons given, the planned and the taken for granted meet and interconnect (Foucault 1991: 75).

From this, the present study takes its 'dependent variable': a regime of governmental practice. To provide more precise and manageable realms of inquiry and comparison, the study focuses on three forms of discipline that buttress any regime of governmental practice. Each of these three disciplinary forms, drawn from Etzioni's (1961) neo-Weberian perspective, provides an axis for evaluating and comparing a humanitarian influx's transformatory effects.

1 Remunerative or material disciplines function through control over material resources, the allocation of salaries and wages, commissions and contributions, and services and commodities (Etzioni 1961: 5). Akin to Weber's discussion of class, these include productive activities (e.g. industry, agriculture), labour and commodity markets, and the distribution and use of natural resources and physical infrastructure.

Within the literature on political transformation, particularly those drawing from Marxism and other structuralist thinkers, such practices are the primary focus of analysis. From such studies is drawn the present work's first transformatory axis, a continuum ranging from petty trading and self-reliance on one end to the extension of the cash economy and commoditisation of goods (including labour) on the other.

2 Coercive disciplines rest 'on the application, or the threat of application, of physical sanctions such as infliction of pain, deformity, or death' (Etzioni 1961: 5). They also include restrictions on movement, or other indirect forms of coercion (e.g. taxation) implicitly relying on the threat of force. This is what Weber means when he speaks of power, and it serves as the focus of most Weberian work on the state, state-society relations, and state formation. From such work, the present study's second transformatory axis is derived.

On one end of this continuum is disaggregation, where peculiar, spatially delimited, or ad hoc applications of force are used to extract wealth or maintain order. Even when national laws exist, such practices may be evident in the form of extra-legalism: actions and institutions that exist beyond or against the law. On the other end of the continuum is legalisation, a condition in which the rules governing the application of force are standardised across a national territory. Such applications need not be constitutionally bound or rights-based, but they are nevertheless consistent.

3 Normative and identitive disciplines rest on the formation, allocation, and manipulation of symbols and identities (Etzioni 1961: 5). Drawn from Weber's discussion of status, these incorporate the values people ascribe to behaviours and the virtues, and language used to demarcate a population and implicitly reaffirm relationships within a given community, however defined. It is practices related to such disciplines that form the basis for much anthropological and sociological work on rural transformation. From these studies, the present study draws its final axis.

This one runs from parochial or localised identities on one end to the reification of supra-local or national ideals, virtues, and loyalties on the other. Modernisation theory and classical Marxism, both derived largely from the European experience with nation state formation, offer a set of expectations for how transformations along these axes are likely to occur and the relationships among them. According to such predictions, material practices should eventually move away from self-reliance and petty production in favour of commoditisation and the proliferation of supra-local logics of exchange (Marx 1950; E. Weber 1976).

Changes in coercive disciplines - asserted by Weberians and Realists to be the modern state's primitive foundations - follow a familiar (Hobbesian) trajectory in which uncodified or localised practices are gradually superseded by the extension of official (state-centred) regulatory mechanisms. As this 'legalisation' takes place, citizens' lives are increasingly affected by a set of supra-local rules, laws, and regulatory structures. 5 Of the three, transformations of normative and identitive disciplines have perhaps been subject to the most theoretical speculation. […]


Content:

List of Maps, Tables, and Figures
Map 1.1 Tanzania, showing research sites
Map 1.2 Kasulu villages
Map 1.3 Mpwapwa District
Map 3.1 Refugee numbers and locations in Tanzania, April 2000
Table 1.1 Percentage of respondents by level of education
Table 1.2 Number of interviews by location
Table 1.3 Percentage of interviews by location and gender
Table 1.4 Percentage of interviews by location and age
Table 1.5 Number of secondary school student respondents by location
Table 1.6 Percentage of secondary school respondents by age and location
Table 1.7 Percentage of secondary school respondents by gender and location
Table 2.1 The number of ujamaa villages in Dodoma and Kigoma, 1970-74
Table 2.2 Primary schools and enrolment, 1962-89
Table 3.1 Refugees in Kasulu District and Tanzania, 1990-2000
Table 4.1 Comparative prices for a basket of goods (TZS), 1990-2000
Table 4.2 Percentage of respondents by location and wage earner's primary occupation
Table 4.3 Tobacco production and sales in Kasulu District, 1996-2000
Table 4.4 Percentage of secondary school students believing their lives will be better than their parents
Table 4.5 Percentage of secondary school students believing their children's lives will be better than theirs
Table 5.1 Crime cases and refugee numbers, 1993-2000
Table 5.2 Percentage of respondents by district mentioning reasons for the increasing crime rate
Table 5.3 Reaction to an unknown thief by district
Table 5.4 Reaction to a known thief by district
Table 6.1 The relative importance of religion, nation, and tribe in 1967 and 2000, by indices
Table 6.2 Percentage of secondary school students who agree or strongly agree with the statement: 'The government knows what is best for people.'
Table 6.3 Number of government agencies mentioned vs. international organisations
Figure 1.1 Integrated transformatory axes as modernist teleology
Figure 1.2 Determinants of governmental practices in refugee-affected areas
Figure 5.1 Crime cases and refugee numbers, 1993-2000
Figure 7.1 Kasulu's humanitarian hangover in comparative perspective


Index:

Amin, Idi 54, 96
Arusha Declaration 41-3, 46-7, 53
authoritarianism 60
Bogwe District 111
Bujumbura 66
Bukoba 43
Burundi 1, 12, 34, 65-8, 71-3, 92-3,
95, 101-3, 106, 110, 121-3, 125-33,
136, 139, 141, 151-3, 157
Buyoya, Pierre 67, 72-3, 92-3, 127
centralisation 3, 11, 38, 40, 45-6,
50-2, 54, 56, 97, 99
Chama cha Mapinduzi (Party of the
Revolution) (CCM) 1, 50, 52, 55,
58-9, 114, 135, 138, 142, 144-5
Christianity 34-5
citizenship/citizens 1-3, 8, 13, 25,
29, 31, 34, 36-7, 40, 42, 44-5, 48-9,
53, 58, 60, 92-4, 96, 98, 105, 110-1,
116, 118, 121-3, 132, 136-40,
143-4, 152-3, 155
Civic United Front (CUF) 59
colonial/colonialism 30-7, 39, 46,
52-3, 128-9
British 32-7, 39, 53, 128
German 32, 36
resistance to 36-7, 49, 129
commoditisation/commodities 4-8,
11, 54, 75-7, 79-80, 83, 87, 89,
149-51, 155-6
communities 2, 40, 44-5, 47, 50
host 2, 10, 14, 16-7, 20, 25, 35,
72, 80, 83, 94, 103, 114, 129, 136,
141, 158
international 60, 71-3, 93, 141
national political/economic 6, 36,
40, 59-60, 125, 127, 153, 156
Criminal Investigation Department
(CID) 52-3, 97
cross-border trade 92-4, 127, 129
embargoes 92-3, 127
Dar es Salaam 14, 18, 25, 32, 50, 54,
66, 69, 79, 84, 126-7
decentralisation 50-3, 94
Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC) 1, 12, 67-8, 126-7, 136
departicipation 29, 40, 42, 52-4
diffusion 3, 126
disaggregation 5,7-9,91-118,124,
139, 149, 151-2, 154, 156
Dodoma region 18, 25, 29, 32, 35,
43-4, 53, 69, 123, 136
East African Community 48
economy/economic
cash and waged 4,8,34-5,41,56,
75-6, 82-3, 86-7, 89, 150-1
hardship/collapse/poverty 2, 7,
11, 14, 26, 29, 31, 43, 45, 54-6, 58,
60, 127, 136, 138
informal 56, 76, 80
market-based 6,8,11,75-7,
79-82, 85, 87, 89, 150-1, 154-5
nationalisation of 53,135
socio-economic development/
economic growth 1, 10, 17, 19, 33,
40-1, 46, 52, 54, 56, 71-2, 81, 84,
102, 123, 141, 143-4, 153
subsistence agricultural production
8, 34, 42, 44, 51, 56, 76, 82, 86, 89,
139, 151, 154
and trade regulation 8, 56
transformation 26, 46, 81, 84, 86,
88-9, 150-1, 154
education/schooling 21, 23-4, 46-8,
53-5, 83
adult literacy 55
ethnic/ethnicity 29-30, 47, 131, 133,
139, 152
cleansing/genocide 12, 65-7, 129,
131
divisions/diversity 17, 39, 130-1
tension 17, 55
European Union 72
food security 79,81,144
FRODEBU party 67
global/globalisation 1-3, 8, 12, 121,
149, 154, 157-8
Gogo Tribe 33-6,133
government infrastructure 143-5
communications 33,57,96,116,
127-8, 143
roads/transport 20-1, 32-3, 56,
79, 92, 106, 108, 126, 143-5
governmentality 3
Ha (Waha) tribe 93, 125-6, 128-31,
134, 139, 152
Habyarimana, Juvenal 66
Hehe Tribe 36,133
human displacement/influx/migration
(See also refugees) 2,6-7,9-13,
16-8, 22, 25-6, 29, 59-60, 65-73,
75-89, 91-6, 99, 101, 106, 121-2,
124, 132, 135, 138, 142, 145, 149,
156-8
economic effects 7-8, 75-89, 121,
136, 138, 141-2, 149-51
effects on crime 9, 91-118, 136,
138-9, 142, 151-2
effects on employment 7-8, 76-7,
82-4, 102, 150-1
effects on labour 7-8, 76-7, 82-3,
86-7, 89, 151
effects on rural infrastructure 72,89
effects on trade 6-8, 75-7, 82-6,
89, 139
Hutu tribe 67, 72-3, 93, 102-3, 106,
110, 122, 125-6, 128-30, 132, 134,
137, 152
identity
ethnic 133, 139
national/political 6-7, 31, 130-4,
136-8, 152-3
parochial/localised/rural/ethnic
5-7, 10, 14, 121, 139, 154
international humanitarianism/relief
organisations 1-2, 7-11, 16-7,
59, 65-9, 71-3, 75-7, 81-5, 102-3,
106-8, 116-8, 121-3, 136, 139-45,
149, 151, 153, 155, 157-8
Care International (CARE) 14, 115
Oxford Committee for Famine
Relief (OXFAM) 14, 69, 101, 115
Red Cross 101-2, 107, 110, 143-4
Tanganyika Christian Refugee
Service 66
United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) 18
United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) 2, 9, 10,
14, 17, 69, 71-2, 93-5, 106-10, 115,
127, 140-2, 144
US Agency for International
Development (USAID) 102
World Food Programme (WFP) 76,84
Iringa 32
Kagera region 26, 65, 67-8, 83-4, 96,
102, 106-8
Kamaliza, Michael 52
Kambona, Oscar 52
Kanazi 21-3, 85, 100, 112, 114, 123,
131, 143
Kasulu District 1, 6-10, 18, 21-3, 26,
29, 32, 34-5, 37, 44, 47, 57, 67-8,
75-7, 79-80, 82-9, 95-6, 99-101,
103-7, 109-18, 121-2, 124-35,
137-9, 141-5, 149-57
Kenya 23, 32, 39, 92
Kenyatta, Jomo 39
Kibakwe 21-3
Kibondo 21-2, 66-7, 107, 126, 128,
145
Kigali 66
Kigoma region 9, 18, 26, 29, 32-3, 43,
65-8, 71, 83, 101-2, 106, 108, 111,
126, 129, 134, 140-1, 144-5, 151-2
Kilimanjaro 32, 34, 43, 58
Kinshasa 66
Kisokwe 21-2, 57
Lake Tanganyika 32, 67, 126
League of Nations 32
legalisation 5-9, 55, 91, 94, 97,
105-9, 117-8, 149, 156
liberalisation, economic/political
10,55,80
Lipumba, Ibrahim Haruna 59
local/village government 57-8, 124,
144, 153-4
logics of cause/responsibility/blame
10, 36, 45, 116, 118, 122-3, 135,
139-45, 149, 153, 155-7
Lushoto 32
Marxist/Leninist 4-6, 52, 60
media, state control of 49, 53, 59,
127-8
migrant/migrancy 2, 17, 34-5, 157
Mkapa, Benjamin 55, 80, 141
Mobutu, Joseph 67
modernist/modernisation theory 5-7,
10-1, 12, 89, 121, 149-50, 154, 157
functionalist 5-6
Mohammed, Bibi Titi 52
monopolism/one-party state 40, 42,
49-50-3, 55-6, 58-9
Moshi 43
Mozambique 43
Mpwapwa District 8, 18, 21-3, 29,
33-35, 37, 44, 47, 57, 77, 79-81, 84,
88, 95-6, 99-100, 104, 110, 113,
124-5, 132-4, 137, 142-3, 152
Mrema, Augustine 58
Mtumwa, Abdul 105
Mugombe 21-2, 85, 100, 112, 123
multi-partyism 13, 55, 58, 135
Mwanza 43
Mwinyi, Ah Hassan 55-6
nation state 5, 29, 47, 124-6, 130,
133, 135-9, 149, 153, 155
nation-building 125-6, 129, 135,
139, 153
reification of 5-7, 10, 121, 123-4,
126, 134-5, 138-9, 149, 152, 156
territorialisation of 121,123-4,
130, 133, 135, 137-8, 152-3
National Council for Constitutional
Reform (NCCR) 58-9
national
population 2, 5, 6, 8-10, 13, 15,
22, 27, 30-1, 34-7, 39-40, 44,
46-50, 53, 53, 60, 68, 75-6, 106,
118, 124-5, 128, 136, 138, 150, 155
unity 31, 37-40, 48, 53, 59-60,
131,135,152
nationalism/national ideals (See also
identity: national) 5, 25, 34-6,
46-7, 49, 60, 121-3, 125, 137-9,
152-3, 156-7
nationalist mobilisation 36-40, 46,
48-9, 129, 139
role of language/Swahili 48-9, 53,
60, 130-1, 152
Ndadaye, Melchior 66
Ngara District 67, 83
Nigeria 33
Ntaryamira, Cyprien 66
Nyerere, Julius 25, 30, 36-42, 46,
48-9, 53, 55, 59-60, 71, 92, 129,
134, 139
non-racial ideology 38
pan-Africanism 48, 134
political
institutions/organisations/
structure 2-3, 6, 17, 25-6, 30-2, 36,
38, 50, 52-3, 56-8
legitimacy 9-11,26,30,37,39,40,
53-6, 95, 138-9, 152-3
socialisation 3, 23-4
refugees 1-2, 9-14, 16, 26, 60, 65-73,
75-88, 91, 93, 96, 100-9, 111, 118,
123, 129-31, 133, 135-7, 139,
141-2, 144, 152, 157-8
political participation of 138-9
repatriation of 71, 102, 141
Tanzanian policy on 69,71-3,
102, 105-9, 123-4, 136-8, 140, 153,
158
regimes of practice/governmental
practice 4,11-3,15-7,25-6,
29-31, 39, 41, 117-8, 121, 138, 140,
145, 149, 156
coercive disciplines 4-5, 8-11-3,
26, 60, 91, 94-6, 98-9, 105, 107,
111-3, 116-7, 121, 124, 135, 139,
151-2, 155-6
normative and identitive
disciplines 5, 11-3, 26, 155
remunerative/economic/material
disciplines 4, 12-3, 26, 121,
155-6
rule
indirect 32-3
of law 96, 106
rural transformation 2-5, 41-2, 75-7,
85-6, 89, 149
co-operatives 50-3, 56
land alienation 32, 34
Rwanda 1, 12, 66-7, 71, 80, 83
Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) 66
security 91,94-6,101,105-11,
115-6, 122-5, 139
insecurity 2,8-9,11,66,78,86,
91, 95, 99-100, 103-6, 112, 115,
117-8, 122, 136, 138-9, 151-2
policing/legal regulation 91-8,
103-12, 114-8, 139, 151-2
village/extra-legal regulation
94, 96-8, 108, 111-8, 139, 152
self-determination/self-rule/
independence 37,41-2
self-reliance 4-5, 7, 43, 45-6, 48-9,
53-4, 57-8, 60, 89, 97, 99, 118,
139, 149, 151-2, 156-7
social services/health care 45-6, 48,
54-5, 58, 123, 145
socialism/socialist 41, 46, 49, 54, 59
South Africa 34
sovereignty 3,92,94,117,140,155,
158
state
anthropologies of 13, 15
corporatism 31
failed/collapsed/weak 10, 26, 54,
58, 121, 153
Hegelian 30
institutions 1-3, 8, 10, 13, 30, 45,
98, 117-8, 122-3, 135, 140, 152
Platonic 29-30, 37, 46, 59-60,
123, 149
theory 2-5,91,156,158
structuralism 4
sub-Saharan Africa 17,29
supra-local 5,7-9,11,53,75,83,
110, 116, 122, 131, 139, 150-4
Tanganyika African Association (TAA);
Tanganyika African National Union
(TANU) 30, 36-42, 47-8, 52, 129
Tabora 84
Tanzania 1-2, 6-8, 10, 12, 17, 23-4,
29, 31-6
government initiatives/policy/
infrastructure 1, 12-3, 15-6,
25-6, 29-30, 39-40, 42, 68-9
rural isolation in 17
Tanzanian People's Defence
Force 93-4, 96
tax
evasion 98-9
hut/poll 34, 45
tobacco production 8, 86-7, 151
trade unions 37, 51, 53
Co-operative Union of Tanzania 51
Tanganyika Federation of Labour
51
Tanzanian Parents' Association 51
Tanzania Women's Union 51
Tanzania Youth Organisation 51
Union of Tanzanian Workers 51
transformation, social/political 1-26,
39-43, 46, 48, 55, 60, 123, 149-50,
154-7
transnationalisation/transnationa-
lism 1, 10, 138-40, 145, 149, 152,
157
Tutsi tribe 67, 72, 103, 128-9, 137
Uganda 23, 32, 54, 66, 92
wjamaa/Tanzanian socialism 25,30,
40, 42-6, 48, 51, 54-6
vigilantism 116-7
villagisation 31, 40, 43-5, 51, 56, 128
violence 8-9, 37, 43, 67, 71, 94-5, 98,
101-3, 106, 110, 114-7, 138, 151
Warundi Trib e 128
World War I 32, 128
Treaty of Versailles 32
Zambia 126
Zanzibari Airo-Shiraz Party 52